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'...penetrating and profoundly provocative book.' - Asa Briggs
- Sales Rank: #2852865 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Palgrave Macmillan
- Published on: 1978-06
- Ingredients: Example Ingredients
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Binding: Paperback
- 545 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
The History of the U.S. Invasion of Iraq, 2003
By Joseph Ryan
A description of the U.S. invasion of Iraq might start with 9/11, Bush's Administration, the 1991 war, or Iraq's invasion of Iran. The history of the invasion, however, is not a description of the invasion itself but of what happened before. Robinson, Gallagher, and Denny provide that history.
"Africa and the Victorians" describes the UK's responses to fear of erosion of the British Empire. In the mid-1800s, British leaders assumed that modernization of the world economy would naturally strengthen the empire. Events of the late 1800s didn't work out that way. Rather, political developments outside Europe took a nationalist turn. In addition, the expanding world roles of Russia, Germany, and the U.S. threatened to cost the UK its global preponderance, unless the UK could count on all its traditional assets, especially India.
India was securely in British control internally, but the routes of British access to India ran through the Mediterranean, Egypt and, after 1869, the Suez Canal, or alternatively around South Africa. Nationalist politics in both Egypt and South Africa seemed, to British imperialist eyes, to make both routes less secure. In addition, both Germany and Russia were chipping away at Turkey and thus approaching the Suez Canal.
Thus, in 1882 Britain sent its armies to take over Egypt and safeguard the Canal. Many in London wanted to do this on the cheap by quickly withdrawing and then ruling through Egyptian elites, but the old India hands had their way and the UK undertook direct rule and military occupation.
Although it technically falls in Asia and thus outside the book's African focus, the story continued a few years later on the other side of Suez, with the fall of Turkey and Britain's annexation of the lands that lay on Russia's path to the Canal. Both in South Africa and Suez, Britain entrusted territorial defense to colonists -- Britons in the Cape Colony and Israelis east of Suez.
British troops stayed in Egypt until 1954, at which point the Egyptian politics of 1882 replayed themselves almost exactly. Britain and Israel, along with France, invaded again in 1956 to reoccupy the Canal, but by then the shift in world power already feared in the late 1880s had come to pass, and the invaders were ordered out of Egypt by the U.S. and the USSR. By that time, the U.S. had assumed the UK's role as guarantor of Turkey, Israel, and Suez.
The invasion of 2003 repeats this pattern in terms of taking a supposed overseas interest, perceiving an indirect threat to it, invading to overthrow a nationalist government, and then staying supposedly to develop the country but more practically because the invader looks down on the local political alternatives. The U.S. invaders don't seem shy about potentially repeating Britain's experience of a 72-year-long military presence.
Access to India was, of course, no longer an issue even in 1956, but once started these things take on lives of their own.
In their last pages, Robinson, Gallagher, and Denny make this observation: "Fundamentally, the official calculations of policy behind imperial expansion in Africa were inspired by a hardening of arteries and a hardening of hearts. Over and over again, they show an obsession with security, a fixation on safeguarding the routes to the East. What stands out in that policy is its pessimism. It reflects a traumatic reaction from the hopes of mid-century; a resignation to a bleaker present; a defeatist gloss on the old texts of expansion." This also describes U.S. policy toward the world as of 2003, compared to the Marshall Plan days fifty years earlier.
Note that this book has apparently been published under two subtitles: "The Climax of Imperialism in the Dark Continent" (U.S.) and "The Official Mind of Imperialism" (UK).
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
a landmark study of British imperial expansion
By Silvester Percival
Many readers of AFRICA AND THE VICTORIANS have tended to view the book as little more than a textbook-like chronology of the British scramble for Africa. But the true significance of the book is to expand the highly influential theory of British expansion that the authors originally articulated in "The Imperialism of Free Trade," an article which first appeared in the Economic History Review in 1953.
The main argument of the book holds that British expansion in Africa occurred when crises on the periphery led the British government to intervene in defense of Britain's economic and strategic interests. Robinson and Gallagher argue that official thinking during the period of expansion after 1870 represents an essential continuity with the earlier mid-Victorian era, which was characterized by a belief in the benefits of free trade, and by a conviction that British informal influence would secure these economic benefits at the lowest possible cost for the British government. British leaders throughout the nineteenth century thus held the conviction that the government was responsible to intervene in imperial matters only when it was necessary to safeguard the empire of free trade.
Expansion in Africa therefore presents a paradox: it remained the continent of least importance to British trade. For Robinson and Gallagher, the answer lies in the prominence accorded to India by British ministers, who rightfully recognized the subcontinent as the linchpin of the Empire. India attracted one-fifth of British trade and overseas investment. It provided for a self-financing Army. It held the key to power in the East.
According to this interpretation, the imperial "scramble for Africa" after 1882 occurred not as a result of British ministers pursuing economic or commercial interests on the continent, but rather to defend Britain's strategic routes to India from local revolts and from increasing European rivalry. The British occupation of Egypt in 1882 became the decisive event in the imperial revolution in Africa, because it disrupted the European balance of power and set off a scramble. In Egypt and the Nile Valley, the British responded to Mediterranean instability and local revolts by occupying the territories crucial to the protection of the Suez Canal. In southern Africa, the British responded to the growing political preeminence of the gold-rich Transvaal republic by first attempting to cut it off from foreign support, and eventually by pushing the Dutch republic to the brink of war over the issue of British imperial influence on the Cape sea route to India. According to Robinson and Gallagher, there exists little evidence for public demand for empire in Britain, and even less evidence for a direct economic link between British ministers and colonial economic interests. In each of these instances, British motivations for imperial expansion in Africa traced to strategic interests, centered on India and its trade, in response to crises on the "periphery."
The main weakness of this otherwise magnificent account lies in its reliance on "the official mind" - the statements recorded by British ministers in official documents. This methodological approach supports Robinson and Gallagher's attempt to create a unified theory of British imperialism, but it assumes that the rationale articulated by British ministers in official documents necessarily corresponded with the true motives for expansion -- a shortcoming that later books, especially Cain and Hopkins's BRITISH IMPERIALISM, have made more obvious.
In its time (1961), the book was a valuable corrective to the commonly held view of empire, which assumed that British expansion was driven by the search for markets (an influence mainly of J.A. Hobson and Marxist theory). AFRICA AND THE VICTORIANS' emphasis on the "periphery" also anticipated the growing influence of "area studies" and post-colonial scholarship, both of which, in different ways, emphasize the "agency" and importance of the non-Western world in shaping imperial outcomes.
Nearly fifty years later, this book is still considered one of the most important contributions to British imperial history ever written.
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